Army of Some: Recruiting Trouble for the All-Volunteer Force

All current U.S. military personnel have one thing in common: they volunteered. But falling recruitment has raised questions of national security, military readiness, and the health of U.S. society. Can the all-volunteer force handle a changing international security landscape?

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Host
  • Gabrielle Sierra
    Director, Podcasting
Credits

Asher Ross - Supervising Producer

Markus Zakaria - Audio Producer and Sound Designer

Molly McAnany - Associate Podcast Producer

Episode Guests
  • Max Boot
    Jeane J. Kirkpatrick Senior Fellow for National Security Studies
  • Amy Bushatz
  • Timothy J. MacDonald
    Military Fellow, U.S. Army

Show Notes

The United States has operated an all-volunteer force (AVF) since 1973, joining the United Kingdom and several other countries in adopting that model of military recruitment. The U.S. military, internationally recognized as the world’s most powerful, consists of 1.4 million personnel stationed across the globe. 

 

But recruitment has been falling for years, prompting questions about U.S. military readiness amid an increasingly hostile international landscape. As the AVF approaches its fiftieth anniversary, it will be nearly two million people smaller than it was at its creation, encompassing less than 1 percent of the U.S. population. The majority of volunteers have at least one family member who served, and issues such as the high prevalence of sexual assault in the military could be deterring applicants. As the prospect of globally destabilizing war returns to the fore, is the all-volunteer force still up to the task of defending U.S. national security?

 

 

From CFR

 

Christa N. Almonte, “Inspiration in the Ranks,” Renewing America

 

Demographics of the U.S. Military” 

 

George M. Reynolds, “How Representative Is the All-Volunteer U.S. Military?


 

From Our Guests

 

Amy Bushatz, “Military Ranks: Everything You Need to Know,” Military.com

 

Max Boot, “The All-Volunteer Force Turns 50 – and Faces Its Worst Crisis yet,” Washington Post


 

Read More

 

2021 Demographics: Profile of the Military Community” [PDF], U.S. Department of Defense 

 

Dan Lamothe, “Pentagon Is Pressed on Worsening Recruiting Shortfalls,” Washington Post

 

Dave Philipps, “With Few Able and Fewer Willing, U.S Military Can’t Find Recruits,” New York Times


 

Watch and Listen

 

Uncle Sam Really Wants You,” Today, Explained, Vox

 

What Is Behind the U.S. Military’s Recruitment Crisis?” Al Jazeera

 

Young Professionals Briefing: The State of the U.S. Armed Forces in 2023, CFR.org

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China Strategy Initiative

At the Shangri-La dialogue in Singapore last week, U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth said that the United States would be expanding its defense partnership with India. His statement was in line with U.S. policy over the last two decades, which, irrespective of the party in power, has sought to cultivate India as a serious defense partner. The U.S.-India defense partnership has come a long way. Beginning in 2001, the United States and India moved from little defense cooperation or coordination to significant gestures that would lay the foundation of the robust defense partnership that exists today—such as India offering access to its facilities after 9/11 to help the United States launch operations in Afghanistan or the 123 Agreement in 2005 that paved the way for civil nuclear cooperation between the two countries. In the United States, there is bipartisan agreement that a strong defense partnership with India is vital for its Indo-Pacific strategy and containing China. In India, too, there is broad political support for its strategic partnership with the United States given its immense wariness about its fractious border relationship with China. Consequently, the U.S.-India bilateral relationship has heavily emphasized security, with even trade tilting toward defense goods. Despite the massive changes to the relationship in the last few years, and both countries’ desire to develop ever-closer defense ties, differences between the United States and India remain. A significant part of this has to do with the differing norms that underpin the defense interests of each country. The following Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) memos by defense experts in three countries are part of a larger CFR project assessing India’s approach to the international order in different areas, and illustrate India’s positions on important defense issues—military operationalization, cooperation in space, and export controls—and how they differ with respect to the United States and its allies. Sameer Lalwani (Washington, DC) argues that the two countries differ in their thinking about deterrence, and that this is evident in three categories crucial to defense: capability, geography, and interoperability. When it comes to increasing material capabilities, for example, India prioritizes domestic economic development, including developing indigenous capabilities (i.e., its domestic defense-industrial sector). With regard to geography, for example, the United States and its Western allies think of crises, such as Ukraine, in terms of global domino effects; India, in contrast, thinks regionally, and confines itself to the effects on its neighborhood and borders (and, as the recent crisis with Pakistan shows, India continues to face threats on its border, widening the geographic divergence with the United States). And India’s commitment to strategic autonomy means the two countries remain far apart on the kind of interoperability required by modern military operations. Yet there is also reason for optimism about the relationship as those differences are largely surmountable. Dimitrios Stroikos (London) argues that India’s space policy has shifted from prioritizing socioeconomic development to pursuing both national security and prestige. While it is party to all five UN space treaties that govern outer space and converges with the United States on many issues in the civil, commercial, and military domains of space, India is careful with regard to some norms. It favors, for example, bilateral initiatives over multilateral, and the inclusion of Global South countries in institutions that it believes to be dominated by the West. Konark Bhandari (New Delhi) argues that India’s stance on export controls is evolving. It has signed three of the four major international export control regimes, but it has to consistently contend with the cost of complying, particularly as the United States is increasingly and unilaterally imposing export control measures both inside and outside of those regimes. When it comes to export controls, India prefers trade agreements with select nations, prizes its strategic autonomy (which includes relations with Russia and China through institutions such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the BRICS), and prioritizes its domestic development. Furthermore, given President Donald Trump’s focus on bilateral trade, the two countries’ differences will need to be worked out if future tech cooperation is to be realized.